Compare and Contrast the Cultures of Indian and China essays

Compare and Contrast the Cultures of Indian and China essays Patriarchy is something that China and India have in common because they both follow it. Patriarchy is when the men in the house have dominance over the women. This means that the women have to ask the men for permission to go out and do things. Part of the power of men, means that they can beat their wives as long as the wounds are smaller than their thumbs. Buddhism started in India, with the story of a young prince running away from his home to find the meaning of life. One day he was sitting under a tree in the forest. He finally found the answers he had been looking for, for most of his life; he called them the Four Noble Truths. All of life is suffering, the cause of suffering is desire, the end of desire leads to the end of suffering, and the means to end desire, is a path of discipline and meditation. After that he became known as the Buddha or enlightened one. He spent the rest of his life in India converting disciples. Then around eighty years old he died, but his work was still continued from his committed followers. By the third century Buddhism was being spread around in South Asia, East Asia and Southeast Asia. It was one of the biggest religions in the world. After many centuries Buddhism was still being maintained by royal leaders in India. Therefore Buddhism in India was pretty big, similar to Buddhism in China. In Chin a it was even bigger though; as they thought that Buddhism had many attractive features like the text and the approach to follow the text and apply it to their everyday lives. The only difference in Chinas and Indias belief system is that China also has Confucianism and Taoism. Confucianism was considered more a philosophy or way of life. This showed the people how life should be, and how things should be in the household and with families. Confucianism is still around today, and is most likely going to stay around forever. Another way of life that the Chinese fo...

The Rise and Fall of the Borgia Family

The Rise and Fall of the Borgia Family The Borgias are the most infamous family of Renaissance Italy, and their history normally hinges around four key individuals: Pope Calixtus III, his nephew Pope Alexander IV, his son Cesare and daughter Lucrezia. Thanks to the actions of the middle pair, the family name is associated with greed, power, lust, and murder. The Rise of the Borgias The most famous branch of the Borgia family originated with Alfons Borja from Valencia in Spain, the son of a middling family. Alfons went to university and studied canon and civil law, where he demonstrated talent and after graduation began to rise through the local church. After representing his diocese in national matters, Alfons was appointed secretary to King Alfonso V of Aragon and became deeply involved in politics, sometimes acting as envoy for the monarch. Soon Alfons became Vice-Chancellor, a trusted and relied upon aide, and then regent when the king went to conquer Naples. While demonstrating skills as an administrator, he also promoted his family, even interfering with a murder trial to secure his kin’s safety. When the king returned, Alfons led negotiations over a rival pope who was living in Aragon. He secured a delicate success which impressed Rome and became both a priest and a bishop. A few years later Alfons went to Naples - now ruled by the King of Aragon – and reorganized the government. In 1439 Alfons represented Aragon at a council to try and unite the eastern and western churches. It failed, but he impressed. When the king finally negotiated papal approval for his hold of Naples (in return for defending Rome against central Italian rivals), Alfons did the work  and was appointed a cardinal in 1444 as a reward. He thus moved to Rome in 1445, aged 67, and changed his name to Borgia. Oddly for the age, Alfons was not a pluralist, keeping only one church appointment, and was also honest and sober. The next generation of Borgia would be very different, and Alfons’s nephews now arrived in Rome. The youngest, Rodrigo, was destined for the church and studied canon law in Italy, where he established a reputation as a ladies man. An elder nephew, Pedro Luis, was destined for military command. Calixtus III: The First Borgia Pope Hulton Archive / Getty Images On April 8th, 1455, a brief time after being made a cardinal, Alfons was elected as Pope, largely because he belonged to no major factions and seemed destined for a short reign due to age. He took the name Calixtus III. As a Spaniard, Calixtus had many ready-made enemies in Rome, and he began his rule carefully, keen to avoid Rome’s factions, even though his first ceremony was interrupted by a riot. However, Calixtus also broke with his former king, Alfonso, after the former ignored the latter’s request for a crusade. While Calixtus refused to promote King Alfonso’s sons as a punishment, he was busy promoting his own family: nepotism was not unusual in the papacy. Indeed, it allowed the Popes to create a base of supporters. Rodrigo was made a cardinal at 25, and a slightly older brother the same, acts which scandalized Rome because of their youth, and ensuing debauchery. But Rodrigo, sent to a difficult region as a papal legate, was skilled and successful. Pedro was given an army command, and the promotions and wealth flowed in: Rodrigo became second in command of the church, and Pedro a Duke and Prefect, while other family took a range of positions. Indeed, when King Alfonso died, Pedro was sent to seize Naples which had defaulted back to Rome. Critics believed Calixtus intended to give it to Pedro. However, matters came to a head between Pedro and his rivals over this, and he had to flee enemies, although he died shortly after of Malaria. In aiding him, Rodrigo demonstrated a physical bra very  and was with Calixtus when he too died in 1458. Rodrigo: Journey to the Papacy German School / Getty Images In the conclave following Calixtus’s death, Rodrigo was the most junior cardinal. He played a key role in electing the new Pope – Pius II – a role that required courage and gambling his career. The move worked, and for a young foreign outsider who had lost his patron, Rodrigo found himself a key ally of the new pope and confirmed Vice-Chancellor. To be fair, Rodrigo was a man of great ability and was perfectly capable in this role, but he also loved women, wealth, and glory. He thus abandoned the example of his uncle Calixtus and set about acquiring benefices and land to secure his position: castles, bishoprics, and money flowed in. Rodrigo also earned official reprimands from the Pope for his licentiousness. Rodrigo’s response was to cover his tracks more. However, he had many children, including a son called Cesare in 1475 and a daughter called Lucrezia in 1480, and Rodrigo would give them key positions. Rodrigo then survived a plague and welcomed a friend as Pope, and stayed on as Vice-Chancellor. By the next conclave, Rodrigo was powerful enough to influence the election, and was sent as a papal legate to Spain with permission to approve or deny the marriage of Ferdinand and Isabella, and thus the union of Aragon and Castile. In approving the match, and working to get Spain to accept them, Rodrigo earned the support of King Ferdinand. On returning to Rome, Rodrigo kept his head down as the new pope became the center of plotting and intrigue in Italy. His children were given routes to success: his eldest son became a Duke, while daughters were married to secure alliances. A papal conclave in 1484 demurred from making Rodrigo pope, but the Borgia leader had his eye on the throne, and worked hard to secure allies for what he considered his last chance, and was aided by the current pope causing violence and chaos. In 1492, with the death of the Pope, Rodrigo put all his work together with a huge amount of bribes and was elected Alexander VI. It has been said, not without validity, that he bought the papacy. Alexander VI: The Second Borgia Pope Hulton Archive / Getty Images Alexander had widespread public support  and was capable, diplomatic and skilled, as well as rich, hedonistic and concerned with ostentatious displays. While Alexander at first tried to keep his role separate from family, his children soon benefited from his election, and received huge wealth; Cesare became a cardinal in 1493.  Relatives arrived in Rome and were rewarded, and the Borgias were soon endemic in Italy. While many other Popes had been nepotists, Alexander was promoting his own children and had a range of mistresses, something that further fuelled a growing and negative reputation. At this point, some of the Borgia children also began to cause problems, as they annoyed their new families, and at one point Alexander appears to have threatened to excommunicate a mistress for returning to her husband. Alexander soon had to navigate a way through the warring states and families which surrounded him, and at first, he tried negotiation, including the marriage of a twelve-year-old Lucrezia to Giovanni Sforza. He had some success with diplomacy, but it was short-lived. Meanwhile, Lucrezia’s husband proved a poor soldier, and he fled in opposition to the pope, who then had him divorced. We don’t know why he fled, but accounts claim he believed rumors of incest between Alexander and Lucrezia that persist to this day. France then entered the arena, competing for Italian land, and in 1494 King Charles VIII invaded Italy. His advance was barely stopped, and as Charles entered Rome, Alexander retired to a palace. He could have  fled  but stayed to use his ability against the neurotic Charles. He negotiated both his own survival and a compromise which ensured an independent papacy, but which left Cesare as both a papal legate and a hostage†¦ until he escaped. France took Naples, but the rest of Italy came together in a Holy League in which Alexander played a key role. However, when Charles retreated back through Rome, Alexander thought it best to leave this second time. Juan Borgia Alexander now turned on a  Roman family  who stayed loyal to France: the Orsini. The command was given to Alexander’s son Duke Juan, who was recalled from Spain, where he had earned a reputation for womanizing. Meanwhile, Rome echoed to the rumors of the excesses of the Borgia children. Alexander meant to give Juan first the vital Orsini land, and then strategic papal lands, but Juan was assassinated and his corpse thrown into the Tiber. He was 20. No one knows who did it. The Rise of Cesare Borgia Mondadori / Getty Images Juan had been Alexander’s  favorite  and his commander; that  honor  (and the rewards) were now diverted to Cesare, who wished to resign his cardinal’s hat and marry. Cesare seemed the future to Alexander, partly because the other male  Borgia  children were dying or weak. Cesare secularized himself fully in 1498. He was immediately given replacement wealth as the Duke of Valence through an alliance Alexander brokered with the new French King Louis XIII, in return for papal acts and aiding him in gaining Milan. Cesare also married into Louis’ family and was given an army. His wife became pregnant before he left for Italy, but neither she nor the child ever saw Cesare again. Louis was successful and Cesare, who was only 23 but with an iron will and strong drive, began a remarkable military career. The Wars of Cesare Borgia Alexander looked at the condition of the Papal States, left in disarray after the first French invasion, and decided military action was needed. He thus ordered Cesare, who was in Milan with his army, to pacify large areas of central Italy for the Borgias. Cesare had early success, although when his large French contingent returned to France, he needed a new army and returned to Rome. Cesare seemed to have control over his father now, and people after papal appointments and acts found it more profitable to seek out the son instead of Alexander. Cesare also became Captain-General of the churches armies  and a dominant figure in central Italy. Lucrezia’s husband was also killed, possibly on the orders of an angry Cesare, who also was rumored to be acting against those who badmouthed him in Rome by assassinations. Murder was common in Rome, and many of the unsolved deaths were attributed to the Borgias, and usually Cesare. With a substantial war chest from Alexander, Cesare conquered., and at one point marched to remove Naples from the control of the dynasty who had given the Borgias their start. When Alexander went south to oversee the division of land, Lucrezia was left behind in Rome as regent. The Borgia family gained great amounts of land in the  Papal States, which were now concentrated in the hands of one family more than ever before, and Lucrezia was packed off to marry Alfonso d’Este to secure a flank of Cesare’s conquests. The Fall of the Borgias As the alliance with France now seemed to be holding Cesare back, plans were made, deals struck, wealth acquired and enemies murdered to take a change of direction, but in mid-1503 Alexander died of malaria. Cesare found his benefactor gone, his realm not yet consolidated, large foreign armies in the north and south, and himself also deeply ill. Furthermore, with Cesare weak, his enemies rushed back from exile to threaten his lands, and when Cesare failed to coerce the papal conclave, he retreated from Rome. He persuaded the new pope to re-admit him safely, but that pontiff died after  twenty-six  days and Cesare had to flee. He supported a great Borgia rival, Cardinal  della  Rovere, as Pope Julius III, but with his lands conquered and his diplomacy rebuffed an annoyed Julius arrested Cesare. Borgias were now thrown out of their positions, or forced into keeping quiet. Developments allowed Cesare to be released, and he went to Naples, but he was arrested by Ferdinand of Arag on and locked up again. Cesare did escape after two years  but was killed in a skirmish in 1507. He was just 31. Lucrezia the Patron and the End of the Borgias Print Collector / Getty Images Lucrezia also survived  malaria and the loss of her father and brother. Her personality reconciled her to her husband, his  family, and her state, and she took up court positions, acting as regent. She  organized  the state, saw it through war, and created a court of great culture through her patronage. She was popular with her  subjects  and died in 1519. No Borgias ever rose to become as powerful as Alexander, but there were plenty of minor figures who held religious and political positions, and Francis Borgia (d. 1572) was made a saint. By Francis’ time the family was declining in importance, and by the end of the eighteenth century it had died out. The Borgia Legend Alexander and the Borgias have become infamous for corruption,  cruelty,  and murder. Yet what Alexander did as pope was rarely original, he just took things to a new extreme. Cesare was perhaps the supreme intersection of secular power wielded to spiritual power in Europe’s history, and the Borgias were renaissance  princes  no worse than many of their contemporaries. Indeed, Cesare was given the dubious distinction of Machiavelli, who knew Cesare, saying the Borgia general was a grand example of how to tackle power.

Avon Calls on Foreign Markets Case Study Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Avon Calls on Foreign Markets - Case Study Example 62). Avon’s marketing orientations For the US market, Avon has resorted to door to door selling via saleswomen who have been marketing the products via the word of mouth and establishing personal contacts with the customers and tapping a huge customer base. Globally Avon had resorted to country specific marketing, such as naming some of its products in the local language, when taking over a local company with a goodwill Avon kept certain names unchanged. For Asian regions, as customers tend to but products which are foreign, Avon kept their foreign names and prints instructions in the local language. It has also gone forward with the Hello Tomorrow campaign to signify a brand which is looking towards the future and also associated with breast cancer awareness (Daniels, Radebaugh, Sullivan, 2010, pp 622-624). Avon’s foreign operations The predicted growth for the company in the U.S. was low, since it had no new place to spread within the country to create a market for co smetics, toiletries and fragrances. The number of companies manufacturing these kinds of products in the US being large, Avon was facing considerable amount of competition. So Avon decided to expand its operations to other potential countries where it could register growth through increased sales. Also Avon’s lady representatives were the ones who sold Avon products, tapped customers and registered orders. This was cost saving for the company as this system required smaller number of employees and helped Avon to maintain low prices, a good image and a constant customer base. In the late 90’s, when US women started working in multinational companies fulltime, Avon found it difficult to get saleswomen. When the US market dried up, Avon found new ground in countries like Brazil and Philippines, where the women are usually do not leave their home. There was sufficient number of saleswomen available to reach out to the desolate areas to sell Avon products. (Daniels, Radebau gh, Sullivan, 2010, pp 621,622) Socioeconomic and demographic changes affecting Avon Socioeconomic changes involve the way society views a product. Demographic changes include aging customers. Both of these may affect the demand. From the socioeconomic point of view, a new type of conditioner may become important, whereas aging customers may want different age specific products according to their wants and needs. Accordingly Avon will have to come out with variants of the products and introduce new ones where necessary to maintain their customer base (Klepacki, 2005, pp 55, 56). Recession, a boom for Avon Every company and industry is affected by a recession as so many international aspects are related. The fields where Avon may feel the pinch are sales, suppliers and employees. Surprisingly when the recession hit in 2008 and the world felt the crisis deepening, the company recruited many saleswomen and men for their sales jobs. This happened because the recession led to massive lay offs, which in turn meant that more people were now available to do Avon’s door-to-door selling. Avon also took in male representatives, so as to allow men to be secure with a job, although it was traditionally reserved only for women (Daniels, Radebaugh, Sullivan, 2010, pp 622; Pauline, 2009). Avon’s Competitive Advantage Avon has a major competitive advantage over its competitors. It has an unparallel reputation in the beauty products market. Its main competition area had been the direct sales area,

Surprising reversal Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words - 1

Surprising reversal - Essay Example However, the truth is that I did have to work and the benefits were not great. The worst part was the aftermath of the soldier coming home. Military men and women have to do a lot of training before they go off to war. Sometimes, it can last 45 days and they are not allowed to come home or have any phone communications. Needless to say, they did manage to make calls here and there when they could. After they would come home from training of 45 days, they would not get time off since they still had to go to work like normal. They would do this every two to three months before they had to go. Being an army wife is like being a single parent because your spouse is seldom there. Unfortunately, the lower the soldiers rank, the lower the pay. So, the wife still has to work, and daycare is out of the question. Kids cannot stay home alone, so what do you do? You try to meet as many good people as possible to help watching the children so that the bills still get paid. There was a time where I had to hold down two jobs and still had to come home to take care of my children. When living on or near a military insulation, the insurance requires that their doctors see you first, and if a specialist is needed, then another doctor would be provided. Personally, I feel that military doctors are qualified to treat their patients, but because they are in military they have that hardcore military mind frame with which they do not misdiagnose the problem but underestimate the issue. For instance, I was told twice by military doctors that I was not pregnant. After a month of still feeling uncomfortable, I decided to see a â€Å"real doctor† and the results were positive but too late. Because the urine sample was not read properly and my baby stayed in my tubes so long, she was diagnosed with a severe heart defect and died 7 months later. Imagine a family that is always separated for long time periods with little phone communication. On special occasions, they would call and all you could hear were bombs going off in the background. That could be the most terrifying sound for anyone. The common wife would get off the phone, go to their children, and sit down and cry. Military wives are a little different. They will get off the phone and go tuck their children in bed with a smile to show that everything is okay. Do not get me wrong. There is always that thought in the back of their minds that something may go wrong, but they do not show it. All military wives are not the same. Some have other agendas. At my time, with their spouse gone, all that some army wives wanted to do was just party and hangout. Meanwhile, soldiers were getting half of the information about what was going on at their homes. Someone would throw a party on base and the commander would only give the first three letter of the last name and it would get the soldier roused up. About two days later, the full name would get revealed but by that time it would be too late. The soldier would have already called home making treats and putting his marriage on the line. It is hard on both the soldier and the wife, but it is even worst for the kids. On one hand, you have the soldier who is out there in the dessert fighting a war hoping everything goes good on patrol and still worrying about what is going on at home. On the other hand you have the wife who is worrying about the kids, work, and the spouse. Oh yeah! And the media does not help at all. They always want the story about

Gimpel the full :: essays research papers

In almost any culture, through the study of its folklore, we are almost certain to find the story of a wise fool(Hamlet, Tom Sawyer, Claudio, Don Quixote, Van Gogh, Forest Gump). The moral of most folktales stories involves a paradox regarding the philosophical value of being dull, or pretending to be dull. So is Gimpel a fool or is he so innately wise to know that pretending to be a fool is advantageous? Let’s theorize an experiment. If we set a table in the middle of a crowded park, and place a bowl of strawberries on it with a sign â€Å"Free samples,† it won’t be long before people start to take one strawberry at a time first. Invariably several of the first samplers, will come back, and on their second approach surely they will take more than one strawberry. What this experiment would demonstrate is the curiosity of human nature, and the almost irresistible tendency to take the most advantage of a situation where the participants have nothing to risk. So, in Gimpel’s predicament, we was declared by the villagers’ general consensus to be someone easy to take advantage of( a fool?). It was also a general consensus to place a prank on him, ever better and more confusing than the last one. The point I am trying to get across is that Gimpel was a gullible, sensible person, not a fool (the strawberry). It was probably the surrounding of his upbringing; the lack of parental guidance; or just a resolute spirit not to blurt his vision of honesty with the mundane trifles that made him so docile. He understood early in life his karma, and decided to go along with it. The villain here is the rest of the world; even the Rabbi leant on him. There was no a single person who came to his defense. He was the village’s unwilling jester. They wanted to ridicule him as much as possible, or to laugh at him if someone else did the same.

World Trade Orgtanization and the Ready Made Garment Industry of Bangladesh; a Critical Analysis

Assignment On WORLD TRADE ORGANIZATION AND THE READY-MADE GARMENT INDUSTRY OF BANGLADESH: A CRITICAL ANALYSIS Submitted To: Professor Dr. Khondoker Bazlul Hoque Department of International Business University of Dhaka. Submitted By: Sheikh Rashedul Islam Student ID: 80116043 Subject: Theory & Practice of International Business Course No:EIB-510 MBA (Evening Program), Department of International Business University of Dhaka. Submission Date: January 6, 2012 ACKNOWLEDGEMENT I am heartily thankful to the course teacher of Theory & Practice of International Business, Professor Dr. Khondoker Bazlul Hoque; whose encouragement, guidance and support from the initial stage to the final level enabled me to develop an understanding of the topic and prepare this assignment. I thank all of those who supported me in any respect during the completion of the assignment. Date:January 6, 2012 Table of Contents: Abstract:4 Introduction::5 Textile imports vs exports in Bangladesh6 Data & Simulations:7 Aggregation of GTAP database version 5_1:9 Ready made garments MFA export tax equivalent:9 Average import-weighed tariff in Bangladesh:†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦ 11 RESULTS :12 Experiment 1: ABOLITION OF MFA QUOTAS:13 Conclusion:17 Reference:18 WORLD TRADE ORGANIZATION AND THE READYMADE GARMENT INDUSTRY OF BANGLADESH: A CRITICAL ANALYSIS ABSTRACT Since the 1980s the export oriented readymade garment (RMG) industry of Bangladesh has experienced an extraordinary evolution: This trend was accompanied by a tremendous rise in the export share from 0. 2% in 1980 to nearly 75% in 1997-98. High concentration on low value-added products, strong dependence on imported textiles and high regional concentration of exports characterize Bangladesh’s RMG sector. The main policy framework is given by the WTO’s Agreement on Textiles and Clothing (ATC) which follows the former Multifibre Arrangement (MFA). By 2005, the sector is to be fully integrated into GATT rules and existing quotas currently hampering trade will come to an end. Thus, it can be expected that worldwide trade in textile and clothing will expand and that production in now discriminated regions will increase. However, existing import tariffs for textiles, strongly supported by local textile producers, hinder the current RMG production in Bangladesh. In this paper we will discuss how future policy developments may affect the RMG sector of Bangladesh. For the analysis we used the comparative static general equilibrium model GTAP. In this model quotas resulting from the MFA agreement are included as export tax equivalents. Compared to China and India, Bangladesh has less restricted access to the most important markets the EU and USA. The experiments simulate a full phase-out of the MFA quotas, as well as a reduction of import tariffs in the textile and clothing sector. First results indicate an increase in RMG production in Bangladesh, but compared to China and particularly India growth rates are quite modest. It is shown that the effects resulting from textiles imports tariff reduction in Bangladesh itself are stronger than the MFA phase out. This demonstrates the importance of the existing tariff regime for textiles. Furthermore it can be shown that RMG imports from Bangladesh to NAFTA are reduced while China and especially India significantly expands their exports to this region. Although Bangladesh can augment its RMG exports on the second large market, the EU, again it looses in competitiveness against China and India. INTRODUCTION The export oriented readymade garment (RMG) industry of Bangladesh has experienced an extraordinary evolution: having started with 9 enterprises in the late seventies, the number has now grown to over 3000. This trend was accompanied by a tremendous rise in the export share from 0. 2% in 1980 to over 80% in 1998 (WTO, 2002 and figure 1). With a value of about 4 billion US$, the RMG industry has clearly become the dominant source for Bangladesh’s export earnings. Figure 1: Textile imports and RMG exports of Bangladesh Source: GTAP v5_1. However, Bangladesh’s RMG sector is characterized by some unfavourable circumstances: the sector highly depends on imported fabrics. In 115 out of 127 categories of fabrics the share of imports exceeds 70% (CPD, 1999). Figure 1 shows that over the years about half the export earnings were spent on textile imports. Since natural conditions in Bangladesh hardly allow for a huge expansion of cotton production, this problem will continue in the future. Additionally, the added value in the apparel sector is quite low. The sourcing of textiles for the Bangladesh RMG industry has changed dramatically over the last 20 years, as can be seen from figure 2. In the 1980s, the dominant suppliers were the high-income Asian countries, led by Japan with an import share of more than 40%, and followed by Korea with a share of about 10%. Until the mid 1990s, Korea had taken over the position of Japan as the leading source for textile imports, with a share of around 30%. Since then, India has expanded its textile imports into Bangladesh, and more recently China has started to assume an increasing importance. By 1998, 35% of textile imports were sourced from China and about 20% from India. Figure 2: Composition of textile imports of Bangladesh [pic] Source: GTAP v5_1. Note: Last figures for India are 1997 data. Figure 3: Bangladesh exports of clothing to USA and EU 1980-1998 (in billion US$) [pic] Source: GTAP v5_1. Bangladesh’s RMG sector is concentrated both in regards to export products and export markets: the concentration of products is much higher than for India and China, two important competitors on international markets, while 90% of Bangladesh RMG exports are going to two markets, the EU and the USA (see figure 3). The main policy framework is given by the WTO’s Agreement on Textiles and Clothing (ATC) which follows the former Multifibre Arrangement (MFA). By 2005, the sector is to be fully integrated into GATT rules and existing quotas currently hampering trade will come to an end. Bangladesh faces quota in two markets, the USA and Canada. Due to the Generalised System of Preference (GPS) the important EU market provides no quota restrictions for Bangladesh’s textile and clothing products. With respect to other competitors on this market like India and Sri Lanka this presents a comparative advantage. Nevertheless, some restrictions resulting from the Rules of Origin also apply for imports from Bangladesh. In the near future, the EU market for textile and clothing will not only be affected by changes in the ATC agreement, but by bilateral agreements connected to further enlargement processes of the EU as well as developments with regard to the EU? s specific regional preferences. This will particularly influence the market access of the Central and Eastern European countries and Turkey. In general, the abolition of textiles and clothing quotas will initiate an expanded worldwide trade and production in now discriminated regions. This of course will lead to country specific effects depending on regional idiosyncrasies. Concerning Bangladesh existing import tariffs for textiles, strongly supported by local textile producers, hinder the current RMG production in Bangladesh. In the recent past the pure existence as well as the rate of these tariffs has been under heavy discussion in Bangladesh (e. g. The Independent, 2002). Therefore, we will discuss how different future policy developments may affect the RMG sector of Bangladesh. This includes the changes in the global ATC agreement, further developments on the huge import market EU as well as changes in the national tariff regime of Bangladesh. DATA and SIMULATIONS The analysis was done using the comparative static general equilibrium model GTAP. Since the GTAP framework is well known and documented (see Hertel, 1997 and http://www. gtap. agecon. purdue. edu), we will not elaborate on its theoretical background here. However, it is important to note that import barriers resulting from the ATC agreement are calculated into tariff equivalents (see Francois & Spinanger, 2002 and table 2). For the experiments the GTAP database version 5. 1 was used, which contains 66 countries and 57 sectors. The selected aggregation can be obtained from 1. Table 1: Aggregation of GTAP database version 5_1 |Regions |Sectors | |Bangladesh |Rice paddy rice, processed rice | |China |Other Grains wheat, cereal grains | |(incl. HongKong) |Fibres plant-based fibres | |India |OthCrop oilseeds, sugar crops, other crops, vegetables, fruits and nuts | |High-income Asia (HincAsia) |Ofood raw milk, cattle, sheep, goats & horses, other animal products, vegetable oils and fats, | |Other Asia (OthAsia) |dairy products, bovine cattle, sheep & goat meat products, other meat products, wool, silk-worm | |USA |cocoons, beverages and tobacco products, food products | |Canada (CAN) |Extract fishing, forestry, coal, oil, minerals, gas | |Mexico & Central America |Tex textiles | |(CentrAm) |Wap wearing apparel | |European Union (EU) |Lea leather products | |Turkey |LabintMan motor vehicles & parts, chemicals, wood products, paper products, publishing, | |Central and Eastern Europe |petroleum, coal products, mineral roducts, metals, metal products, | |(CEEC) |CapIntMan transport equipment, electronic equipment, machinery & equipment, ferrous metals, other| |Rest of the World (ROW) |manufactures | | |Svces electricity, con struction, gas manufacture, trade, transport, distribution, water, | | |communication, financial services, insurance, business recreational services, public | | |administration & defence, education, health, dwellings | If exports are constrained under the MFA export quota regime, there are lower exports and higher prices than in a free-trade situation. The effects of this constraint can be measured in terms of an implicit export tax or tariff equivalent of the quota rent. Table 2 presents such estimates (from the GTAP v5_1 database) for the wearing apparel industry. [1] The table indicates that the Multi-Fibre-Agreement for wearing apparel is less restrictive for Bangladesh than it is for its main competitors China and India. Table 2: Ready made garments MFA export tax equivalent (million US$, 1997 and as % of domestic market value of exporting region)* ( from ( to |USA |Canada |EU |All |Total | | | | | |other countries | | |Bangladesh |103 |5 |80 |2 |190 | | |9% |9% |8% |5% |8% | | China (incl. HongKong) |1974 |166 |848 |72 |3059 | | |31% |34% |14% |2% |10% | |India |460 |46 |290 |12 |807 | | |52% |52% |18% |2% |24% | |High-income Asia |68 |4 |2 |0 |74 | |2% |2% |0% |0% |1% | |Other Asia |563 |29 |281 |8 |880 | | |10% |10% |7% |1% |7% | |Mexico & Central America |277 |3 |7 |0 |287 | | |3% |4% |5% |0% |3% | |Turkey |24 |1 |0 |0 |25 | | |5% |5% |0% |0% |1% | |Central and Eastern Europe |12 |1 |0 |0 |13 | | |5% |5% |0% |0% |0% | |All other countries |83 |3 |34 |1 |121 | | |2% |3% |0% |0% |1% | |Total |3563 |257 |1542 |94 |5457 | Source: GTAP v5_1. * Not all countries are facing quotas on each export market. The tariff equivalents described here result from the estimation of rents and thus include not only direct but also indirect effects originating from the ATC agreement. The estimated value of the export tax equivalent for Bangladesh is 190 million US$ in 1997, which amounts to 8% of the domestic value of total RMG exports. Exports to the North American markets from China and India apparently face higher quota restrictions, as the estimated ad-valorem tariff equivalent of the quota shows. For example, Indian exports to the USA would be more than 50% cheaper without the quota. The current RMG production in Bangladesh is affected not only by export measures but also by existing import tariffs. Although the country has xperienced some liberalization in the recent past, tariffs for intermediate inputs and especially textiles are high compared to other products entering Bangladesh (see table 3). In international comparison Bangladesh levies relatively high import taxes on its textile impor ts (table 4). Tariffs of more than 30% of the import value are not uncommon. On (trade-weighted) average, textile imports into Bangladesh face a tariff equivalent of 29%, which is three times as high as the world average. According to the GTAP database, the tariffs on textiles have contributed approximately 420 million US$ to tax revenues in Bangladesh. Table 3: Average import-weighed tariff in Bangladesh, fiscal year 1991-99 Import categories |1991 |1995 |1999 | |Intermediate inputs |24. 1 |26. 3 |21. 5 | |Capital goods |18. 7 |12. 5 |8. 57 | |Final consumer goods |47. 3 |26. 4 |11. 2 | |All imports |24. 1 |20. 8 |14. 68 | Source: WTO (2002) after NBR. Table 4: Ad valorem tariff equivalent for textiles (in %) |( from ( to |Bangladesh |Average all import destinations | |Bangladesh |n. a. |11 | |China (incl. HongKong) |36 |12 | |India |10 |10 | |High-income Asia |33 |18 | |Other Asia |20 |11 | |USA |32 |8 | |Canada |n. a. |2 | |Mexico & Central America |n. a. |8 |European Union |32 |5 | |Turkey |n. a. |12 | |Central and Eastern Europe |n. a. |10 | |Rest of the World |34 |10 | |Total |29 |10 | Note:Calculated from value of imports at domestic market prices over value of imports c. i. f. , GTAP v. 5_1. n. a. : not available or import flow negligible. Since the RMG sector of Bangladesh is restricted on the export side as well as on the imports the simulations analyzed in this paper include two experiments. Experiment 1 (EXP 1) focuses on the export market. It simulates firstly a complete phase-out of the ATC agreement and secondly specific relevant developments on the EU market such as the Eastern Enlargement and a preferential agreement with Turkey. Experiment 2 (EXP 2) additionally describes a reduction of import tariffs in the textile sector of Bangladesh by 20%. RESULTS Experiment 1: ABOLITION OF MFA QUOTAS What can be expected for Bangladesh if all quota restrictions on textiles and garments trade are abolished by December 31st, 2004, as foreseen in the ATC? The main competitors of Bangladesh’s RMG sector, located in India and China, are relatively more restricted by the ATC agreement than Bangladesh’s producers. On the North American markets, Mexico and Central American countries have increased their market positions over Bangladesh as a result of closer regional integration in the Americas. On the European markets, exports from Turkey and Central and Eastern European countries are competing with exports from Bangladesh. The Eastern enlargement and trade preferences for Turkey imply that the GSP (and Everything but Arms, EBA) preferences supporting Bangladesh on the EU market are losing their importance. In order to capture the latter issue we incorporated the enlargement of the EU as well as zero-tariff access to the EU for Turkish producers in our simulation. Table 5: The MFA abolition experiment | |(1) |(2) |(3) |(4) | | |Average export |Export volumes |Share world export |Share world export | | |price | |volumes 1997 |volumes post-MFA | |Bangladesh |-7% |0% |2% |2% | |China (incl. HongKong) |-11% |60% |24% |33% | |India |-21% |267% |3% |10% | |High-income Asia |-1% |-28% |5% |3% | |Other Asia |-6% |1% |10% |9% | |Mexico & Central America |-4% |-42% |7% |3% | |Turkey |1% |40% |3% |4% | |Central and Eastern Europe |1% |70% |5% |7% | Table 5 summarizes the effects of a MFA phase out on the RMG world market. Obviously, the highly quota constrained exporters from India and China are able to dramatically expand their exports. In the case of China, the model predicts a 60% increase in export volumes. However, exporters now face a price that is on average 11% lower. [2] For India the picture is even more impressive, as exports are simulated to expand by more than 260%, albeit at 20% lower prices. Bangladesh is simulated to maintain its export volumes, but would face a 7% lower price. Columns (3) and (4) in the table compare current world market shares in RMG with post-MFA shares. Clearly, China and India are increasing their world market shares. Table 6: MFA phase out: Effects on main markets, change in export volumes by source and destination (percentage change relative to base 1997) |( from ( to |USA |Canada |EU |of which EU preference | | | | | |effect | |Bangladesh |-21 |-33 |26 |-12 | |China (incl. HongKong) |199 |194 |67 |-19 | |India |752 |632 |80 |-19 | |High-income Asia |-51 |-59 |-30 |-12 | |Other Asia |-13 |-25 |23 |-16 | |Mexico & Central America |-44 |-50 |15 |-16 | |Turkey |-45 |-53 |72 |96 | |Central and Eastern Europe |-43 |-51 |81 |106 | Table 6 focuses on the main export markets. Obviously, Bangladesh is losing ground in North American markets, where China and India are out-competing all other suppliers, including Mexico and Central America. Only on the European market does Bangladesh have positive growth rates. The granting of preferences to suppliers from CEEC countries and from Turkey enables those regions to double their sales volumes to the EU, which leads to a diversion of imports from all other sources. Experiment 2: LOWER TEXTILE TARIFFS IN BANGLADESH. The phase-out of the MFA is an external event that Bangladesh producers and policymakers will have to deal with in some way, but on which they have little influence. In contrast, there are also a number of national policy instruments available that Bangladesh could use to further its RMG industry. One of these instruments is the lowering of import taxes on textiles. It has been seen in section 2 that import barriers on textiles – a vital input in RMG – are relatively high in Bangladesh. The tariffs lead to an average increase of the price of imported textiles by about 30%. Clearly, a lower tariff would reduce the cost of imported textiles to the Bangladesh RMG industry, and this will decrease production costs in the RMG sector. Table 7 reports the effects on RMG and textiles output in case of a unilateral 20% lowering of all import tariffs on textiles (i. e. rom average 29% to average 23%, but with variation according to source region). Table 7: Output changes in Bangladesh, percent changes relative to base | |MFA phase out |lower textile tariffs |MFA phase out + lower | | | | |textile tariffs | |Fibres |5. 1 |-0. 8 |4. 3 | |Textile s |6. 6 |-0. 7 |6. 0 | |Wearing apparel |0. 2 |7. 3 |7. 6 | Table 8: Decomposition of export growth effects Indicator | | |import price textiles |-4. 5% | |price domestic textiles |-0. 2% | |share of imports |0. 3% | |composite price textiles |-1. 5% | |average price other inputs |0. 5% |cost share textiles |0. 7% | |supply price RMG |-0. 9% | |elasticity of substitution domestic/foreign WAP at the importer side |8. 8 | |change in exports |7. 9% | While expansion of RMG production and exports under the MFA phase-out is rather limited, the unilateral reduction of textile import tariffs has notable positive effects on output and trade. In fact, the 20% tariff cut results in a simulated RMG output growth of more than 7%. Not surprisingly, this output effect turns out to be mainly export driven. The lower price for imported textiles in the wake of the tariff reduction drives down the price for textiles that the RMG industry in Bangladesh uses. Table 8 summarizes the important effects. The 4. 5% lower price for imported textiles is combined with a very slight drop of domestic textile prices to yield a drop of the composite textiles price by -1. 5%. Given the large 70% cost share of textiles in RMG production, the supply price of RMG products can drop by -0. 9%. This drop is sufficient to lead importers to substitute towards Bangladesh RMG products. The GTAP model has an Armington import structure with an elasticity of substitution between domestic and foreign RMG varieties equal to 8. for all importers such that the substitution effect alone results in an almost 8% rise of Bangladesh RMG exports. Since Bangladesh is a small player on global RMG markets (market share around 1%), global import levels are not affected by Bangladesh’s cheaper supplies. The conclusion from this exercise is that lowering tariffs on textile imports does indeed boost the competitiveness of the Bangladesh RMG industry. At the same time, the domestic textiles industry experiences some competition from abroad, resulting in lower domestic textile prices and a slight drop in output, but this is more than compensated by increased export earnings in the RMG industry. Figure 4: Welfare effects (equivalent variation, million 1997 US$) [pic] The equivalent variation welfare indicator in Figure 4 provides a summary of effects on the total economy. According to this welfare measure, the main beneficiary of the MFA phase-out is the USA. The importing regions Canada and the EU also benefit, as do India, China and Central and Eastern Europe and Turkey. The latter two regions mainly due to the EU-preference effect. This picture makes clear why not all countries always support the abolition of the MFA. For Bangladesh a slight negative welfare effect of the MFA phase can be observed. The unilateral reduction of textiles tariffs somewhat improves this outcome, but is insufficient to tip the balance. Table 9: Welfare analysis: allocative and terms-of-trade effects, million US$ |MFA phase out |MFA phase out and lower Bangladesh | | | |textile tariffs | | |allocative |terms-of-trade |allocative effects|terms-of-trade | | |effects |effects | |effects | |Bangladesh |-11 |-180 |52 |-338 | |China |3108 |-4676 |3107 |-2715 | |India |2063 |-1806 |2061 |-393 | |High-income Asia |-131 |-168 |-131 |-501 | |Other Asia |74 |-853 |73 |-1348 | |USA |1765 |6350 |1767 |5127 | |Canada |421 |423 |422 |390 | |Mexico & Central America |-211 |-217 |-211 |-1178 | |European Union |707 |50 |716 |16 | |Turkey |163 72 |162 |659 | |Central and Eastern Europe |438 |96 |437 |1286 | |ROW |-387 |-62 |-387 |-981 | Table 9 explains the reason for this negative outcome. The terms of trade for Bangladesh – and indeed for all the quota-restricted exporters – are negatively affected as world prices for garments drop. In contrast to, for example, India, the terms-of trade loss is not compensated by allocative gains in Bangladesh. Closer inspection of the underlying data shows that the negative allocative result in the MFA phase-out scenario is mainly due to the expansion of the domestic textiles industry which is currently subsidized. Expansion of a subsidized activity receives a negative welfare evaluation, because it pulls resources into an activity that could be more effectively used elsewhere in the economy. With lower textiles tariffs, the domestic textiles industry shrinks somewhat and the negative allocative effect is turned in to an allocative gain, as less subsidization is required. CONCLUSIONS The phase out of the MFA changes global patterns of trade. India and China are the biggest winners in terms of output and export growth. In terms of welfare, the importing countries gain most, as the import prices drop. At the same time, this means terms of trade loss for exporters. Bangladesh can only mildly benefit from the MFA phase-out, and loses ground on North American markets. Since the EU grants preferences to CEECs and Turkey, Bangladesh exporters face increasing competition on the EU market. On balance output volumes are expected to be unchanged from Bangladesh, implying a drop in market share in the expanding RMG market. A counteracting policy option for Bangladesh is the unilateral lowering of import tariffs on textiles. This reduces costs to the RMG industry and improves exports through lower supply prices. Macro-economically, increased export revenues easily compensate the loss in tariff revenues. Reference: Source: Office of Textiles and Apparel, United States Department of Commerce. Abbreviations: MMF: man-made fibre; S/V: silk and vegetable; MB: man and boy; WG: woman and girl. ———————– [1]

chapo guzman - 2216 Words

Joaquà ­n Archivaldo Guzmà ¡n Loera (born December 25, 1954,[1] or April 4, 1957[2]) is a Mexican drug lord who heads the Sinaloa Cartel, a criminal organization named after the Mexican Pacific coast state of Sinaloa where it was initially formed. Known as El Chapo Guzmà ¡n (Shorty Guzmà ¡n, pronounced: [el ˈtÊÆ'apo gusˈman]) for his 1.68 m (5 ft 6 in) stature, he became Mexicos top drug kingpin in 2003 after the arrest of his rival Osiel Cà ¡rdenas of the Gulf Cartel, and is now considered The most powerful drug trafficker in the world, by the United States Department of the Treasury.[5][6] Guzmà ¡n Loera has been ranked by Forbes magazine as one of the most powerful people in the world every year since 2009; ranking 41st, 60th and 55th†¦show more content†¦He was jailed in the maximum security La Palma (now Federal Social Readaptation Center No. 1 or Altiplano) prison. On November 22, 1995, he was transferred to the Puente Grande maximum security prison in Jalisco, after being convicted of three crimes: possession of firearms, drug trafficking and the murder of Cardinal Juan Jesà ºs Posadas Ocampo (the charge would later be dismissed by another judge). He had been tried and sentenced inside the federal prison on the outskirts of Almoloya de Juà ¡rez, Mexico State.[4] After a ruling by the Supreme Court of Mexico made it easier for extradition to occur between Mexico and the United States, Guzmà ¡n bribed several guards to aid his escape. On January 19, 2001, Francisco El Chito Camberos Rivera, a prison guard, opened Guzmans electronically operated cell door, where Guzmà ¡n got in a laundry cart that Camberos rolled through several doors and eventually out the front door. He was then transported in the trunk of a car driven by Camberos out of the town. At a gas station, Camberos went inside, but when he came back, Guzmà ¡n was gone on foot into the night. According to officials, 78 people have been implicated in his escape plan.[4] The police say Guzmà ¡n carefully masterminded his escape plan, wielding influence over almost everyone in the prison, including the facilitys director. He allegedly had the prison guards on his payroll, smuggled contraband into the prison and received preferentialShow MoreRelatedJoaquin ‘El Chapo’ Guzman1823 Words   |  8 Pagesof Joaquin ‘El Chapo’ Guzman was a victorious circumstance for the Mexican government, who have been closing down on his presence for the recent past years. Mexican authorities began taking down high ranked members of the Sinaloa Cartel including two of Guzman’s main associates. On February 22, 2014, the world’s most wanted man had also been captured. Although the biggest drug lord has been captured, the crime and violence left behind cannot be forgotten. Joaquin El Chapo Guzman Loera was bornRead MoreJoaquin Archivaldo Guzman Loera ( El Chapo1635 Words   |  7 PagesJoaquin Archivaldo Guzman Loera (El Chapo) was born on December 25, 1954 in the community of Badiraguato, Sinaloa, Mexico. His parents were Emilio Guzman Bustilos and Maria Consuelo Loera Perez. He grew up on his father’s cattle ranch with his two younger sisters, Amida and Bernarda, and four younger brothers, Miguel Angel, Aureliano, Arturo and Emilio. It is also known that his father was an opium farmer. Throughout Guzman’s childhood he was often beaten by his father for standing up to him. UsuallyRead MoreThe Death Of Joaquin Guzman1236 Words   |  5 Pagesthe government has fifty-five year old Joaquin Archivaldo â€Å"Chapo† Guzman Loera as their most wanted criminal in Mexico. He also has become most wanted in the United States since the death of Bin Laden. Known to be the biggest drug lord, Guzman runs the largest drug cartel known as the â€Å"Sinaloa Cartel.† Government officials here in the U.S., for example, one of our potential candidates running for presidency, Donald Trump, wants Joaquin Guzman behind bars. He wishes this not only because of the drugRead MoreDrug Cartels : Mexico And The Brutal War Of Drug Trafficking1299 Words   |  6 Pageserupted due to an organization of cartels known as La Familia. Mexico was once a place that didn’t have as much violence or drugs but its economic crisis lead to the outbreak of violence, the rise of the world’s biggest cartel Joaquin Guzman Loera, and deals Guzman made with people in Mexico and the United States. Homicides rates in Mexico have increased since at least 2006. The largest jump came in 2008 when organized crime-related homicides jumped from 2,826 to 6,837 killings and in 2010, twoRead MoreThe Corruption Of Organized Crime1056 Words   |  5 Pagesinfiltration and control of private and commercial banks; controlling of black markets. Joaquà ­n El Chapo Guzmà ¡n was born on December 25, 1954, or April 4, 1957 in La Tuna, Sinaloa. His father was officially a cattle rancher, but according to Malcolm Beith s biography, The Last Narco, locals say he was actually a gomero, or opium farmer. (Beith) There was little to no employment in his hometown, El Chapo cultivated the opium poppy. Once the plant was stacked in kilos, his father sold the harvest.Read MoreThe Drug Of The United States2009 Words   |  9 Pagesacross borders, but one major supplier that causes a difficulty in that operation is known as â€Å"El Chapo†. Most underground drugs today come from a cartel in Mexico because the drugs are inexpensive (Schuppe). Throughout his life, Joaquin â€Å"El Chapo† Guzman Loera has smuggled over â€Å"one million pounds of narcotics† into the United States, and backboned the United States drug market (Ware). Joaquin Guzman had a hard beginning in life, starting with his struggling childhood, whi ch influenced him to getRead MoreThe Sinaloa Cartel Is The Premier Drug Trafficking Organization999 Words   |  4 Pagesexporting cocaine into the United States. The Sinaloa Cartel exports cocaine, methamphetamines, and marijuana into the United States. The leader of the Sinaloa Cartel is Joaquin â€Å"el chapo† Guzman. While El Chapo is a very well-known international drug kingpin, he has proven that he is almost as good at escaping from prison. El Chapo has multiple prison escapes under his belt. He most recently escaped from the Federal Social Readaptation Center No. 1, which is a maximum security prison in Mexico. â€Å"TheRead MoreMexican Drug Cartel Analysis Essay1433 Words   |  6 PagesA widely propagated myth would have us believe that Mexican drug lord Joaquin El Chapo Guzman Loera and his Sinaloa Federation are less violent than many of their competitors. Statements from journalists and analysts allege that Sinaloa is more businesslike than Los Zetas, whose reputation for brutality is well-documented, and that this business savvy somehow renders the group relatively benign. In turn, this has led many to believe that the Mexican government could broker a deal with the leaderRead MoreThe War Plan For South Korea1307 Words   |  6 Pages’† (cnn.com) Drug trafficking is where it is the selling of illegal drugs all over the world. The penalties is results in first degree felony, so for Joaquin El Chapo Guzman s is the world’s most powerful drug trafficker is very dangerous. He’s been arrested two times and escaped twice. He recently escaped in July 11, 2015. El Chapo got out by climbing down a ladder in his shower stall that leads to a mile long tunnel out of the prison. He chose to leave through the shower stall is because that’sRead MoreThe High Cost of Drugs972 Words   |  4 Pagesone of Mexico’s most wanted drug lords was taken into custody after 13 years on the run. This Mexican drug lord was over the Sinaloa cartel his name is Joaquin El Chapo Guzman. El Chapo was known for having air tight security, but officials say he got sloppy and was apprehended in his sleep. Authorities had been closing in on El Chapo for several months before the Mexican marines decided to help out, according to Mexic an Attorney General. Before El Chapos capture, Mexican federal law officials